Category Archives: Case-Notes

Fieldwork notes by Humaira Shafi in Pakistan

Humaira Shafi,  Ph.D. in Gender Studies and LawSchool of Political Science and International Studies, University of Queensland 

Women’s material empowerment through claiming their property rights always comes with a heavy price i.e. loss of family support (by family support- I mean women’s natal family).

It also comes with community sanction. There is a general trend of not recognizing the validity of women’s claim over her ancestral property by community.

The perception is that if she is a good sister she will leave her share in favour of her brother.

Community demands that she should show her love and affection via transferring her rights in property to her brothers.

Women in all classes have problem in claiming or demanding their property rights. 

Elite Class: Even with education and marriage stability, they still have to face the choice of whether they to claim their property rights or keep good ties with their natal family.

Middle class: educated, living in cities, working women but with more restrictions than any other class.

1: Some don’t marry and become prime supporter and provider to help parents and their young siblings

2: Some think of not demanding property rights as a way of compensating for the time, effort and money spend on their education and marriage by their family.

3: Some face extra pressure from husband’s sides to claim the inheritance but they put up resistance.

4: Some face violent conflict, threats to life from natal family if they demand their share in property.

5: To avoid community disapproval, they will prefer to forgo their claim in property.

6: Women’s role as mother is seen in, all classes, to discourage daughters to claim their share in family’s property.

7: There are women, who bargain away this right to gain decision making power in family. 

Lower class: poor, uneducated and living in villages- these women have no way of asserting their control over their own life. 

1: Most of these women do extra work – outside in fields.

2: They have less or no facilities to education and health institutes. 

3: Segregation of sexes is not very rigid in this class then in middle class. 

4: Although they have their names in Revenue record as legal heirs and successors but they are not encouraged to demand their rights in property. 

5: To limit their activities these women are given control of the house (private sphere) along with limited funding to run the internal affairs of the family which also entails control over daughter in laws, sons and daughters. They are also given the task of maintaining traditions and customs of their particular family/ community.

6: For some poverty works as an incentive (for resistance from general customary traditions) to claim their share in property, but only when they get no support from their family (both natal/ marital) and from their community.

Question: How do concerns about Material Empowerment and Familial Security influence Pakistani Muslim women’s decisions about their Property Rights?

Overall “Pakistani Muslim women will always have to face this crossroad between the material gain and the family support and security”.

Also, there was a clear consensus in all my subjects that men and women property can provide material benefits to both men and women. For women more so as they have limited access to other options like education, employment and justice system.

For women the two recourse available to claim their property (i) Family council or council of elders of their community and (ii) Courts.

Question: How are Pakistani Muslim men’s notions of Property ownership influenced by familial obligation and identification of land with familial security?

Pakistani Muslim Men & Property rights

1: General perception: Men are considered the ONLY heirs to ancestral property.

2: Men are greedy. (this statement came from both men and women).

3: For some men property is “Power” the more you have the more powerful you are in the society.

4: For some men it is the matter of their family prestige to maintain their ancestral family and make sure it increases in size and value and not decrease. So dividing the property to give share to sisters is not an option.

5: Men also suffer the loss of property due to usurpation of their land and property by male relatives. This usually happens when a father/ mother or both dies early leaving young children and unmonitored property behind. 

6: There is greater community acceptance for men as long as they fulfill their role of bread winner and provider.

7: Men also feel the pressure of the family obligations like providing for the family, providing for the food, health and education of children, marrying daughters into good families, providing their dowry etc……

8: There are less jobs for men and they have to rely on their ancestral property to meet all the family expenses. Also most men are affiliated with agricultural profession, and division of property can be seriously detrimental to their livelihood. 

9: Some give share of the produce of land to their sisters and think they have done their duty. Some emotionally instigate their sisters to transfer their share in their mother and father’s property to their brothers. 

Some do pay their sisters but not what they are actually entitle to. Some men, when forced (by sisters’ husband or sons or by sisters’ themselves) give their sisters’ share. But their sisters’ property have less value than their own. 

10: Some think that after marriage it is the job of women’s husband to provide for them and if they cannot then they are not man enough.

11: Here mothers and wives play an important role in siding with their sons and husbands and create a perception that “any woman who claims a share from her brother is a greedy woman”.

12: All the men who were interviewed claimed that they will distribute the property making sure that the needs of their wives, sisters and daughters are met and they don’t have to go to court to claim their rights. 

13: To gain, claim or possess property men can use force (violence), courts or local community dispute resolution channels.

Common issues between men and women

1: Accessing legal institutions is expensive and time consuming for both men and women.

2: Greed can be a factor for both men and women in claiming or usurping property rights.

3: Cultural obligations effects both men and women. 

4: Sibling bonding and love and affection plays important part in both men and women’s life. 

Question: Which factors influence Pakistani Muslim women to renounce their property rights?

Social constraints for Pakistani Muslim woman

Pardah: not the scarf or burqa but confining women’s involvement to domestic affairs.

False sense of Honour: Tying family honour with women’s virtue- this means guarding their every move, not giving them right to choose their own life partner and compel them to live a life in which they have no say of their own.

Respect: Do not question your elders’ decisions. Obey your father/ brothers, don’t talk back, and don’t argue. 

These not so harmful practices always come with rewards ( education, allowing of employment, dowry, respect after marriage, support after marriage) but curb the need to argue or question the decision of the family elders—these practices in generations after generations have become the part of women’s moral and social DNA.

Cultural practices that effects women and their choices

Marriages within the same family or community

Providing big dowries for daughters

Lavish and expensive weddings where most of the expenses coming out of girl’s parents

Practices like “Sawara/ Vani, marriage with Quran and honour killings”

Question: How does the pluralized nature of Pakistani Property Laws influence Pakistani Muslim women and men’s understanding of their rights to inherit or claim property through the various mechanisms established in Islamic law?

Law is very supportive of Pakistani Muslim women.

BUT!!!!! Judicial process is very lengthy.

Women have no confidence on Pakistani Judicial system.

Women prefer the mechanism of community disputes resolution forums.

Even men prefer to resolve their issues through community dispute resolution fora but sometime use legal channels, too to annoy the other party or to make the other party suffer the financial loss by paying litigation fees.

It is consider shameful for men if their women go in courts or revenue department for property issues.

Nearly all men and women preferred the community based resolution forums to resolve their property matters.

Factors that shape the behaviour of

Pakistani men

Situation:  denying of property right of sisters/ mothers/ wives due to Greed or need for more Power in society and family.

Their up bringing: how they are raised, what privileges they received and at what cost.

The expectations:  The burden of expectation from family and from community

How society and community shaped their masculinities and the roles they have to perform as brothers, fathers and sons.

Pakistani women


Their up bringing: The preference of brothers over them, Limited choice in deciding matters related to – education, mobility, employment, marriage, overall in security on their abilities.

The expectations: the expectation to honour and respect the family (elders) decisions, follow the traditions, adheres to community norms and in return gets benefits.

The training of women in Pakistan starts in the cradle of their mothers and they learn to conform to the ideals of family and society at a very young age.

Situations like extreme poverty, widow hood, responsibility of a family, financial constraints and need to protect and safe guard the children’s well being are the motivators in most of the cases where women demand, claim or fight for their rights of property.

In some cases the Bond of Love and affection between brothers and sisters, daughters and fathers do result in peaceful and mutually acceptable transfer of property rights. There are brothers who decided that they will give commercial land to their sisters so that they can sell it for good price.There are fathers who gave property as gift to their daughters in their lifetime so that they will be compensated for – when they get their share of inheritance.There are sisters who know how difficult the financial situation is for their brothers and who have made promise to themselves that they will not demand their share in the family house as it is the only roof over their brothers’ head.A husband who transferred a house to his wife so that she and his children will be well protected.A husband who is all set to leave a ‘Will’ that as long as his wife lives his sons should not divide his property and all benefits of his property should go to his wife. 
Male Strategies against women’s property There are cases where husband didn’t support their wives’ claim of property because they didn’t want to start the same practices among their sisters but they didn’t deter their wives from going against their family.Brothers asking brother not to transfer property to his wife as this practice will encourage their wives to demand their share of property.
Setting a good example is the best way to teach your children (It was observed in both men and women)Those who have witnessed fair share of distribution of property in their family shared the same views. 
 The Price of Material empowerment for Pakistani womenMost women who got their property on demand or through court got economic stability but didn’t consider it empowering – due to the loss of family support?
There are cases where both men and women were defrauded in buying a property 

Muslim immovable gifts: to register or not to register… that was the question. Recent developments following ‘Hafeeza Bibi v. Shaikh Farid’

As it was previously mentioned in an earlier post, Muslim gifts (hiba or ariya – the latter only concerning the usufruct of a property) do not have to be registered in order to be valid. The reason behind this exemption was mainly that Muslim gifts can be made orally, hence not requiring any written instrument to complete the transaction.
I am using the word ‘transaction’ specifically because Muslim law considers gifts as part of contract law. Muslim authors (which are in this instance scrupulously followed by Indian Courts) only require three conditions:

1. a declaration by the donor (offer)
2. an acceptance by the donee (acceptance)
3. the delivery of the property (transfer)

A contentious issue however arose relating to immovable property, and what to make of a Muslim gift deed. The problem revolved around the compatibility of two statutes.

Section 123 of the Transfer of Property Act, 1882 (TPA) disposes that:

“For the purpose of making a gift of immovable property, the transfer must be effected by a registered instrument signed by or on behalf of the donor, and attested by at least two witnesses.”

As aforementioned, Muslims are exempted from this obligation by Section 129 of the same act:

“Nothing in this Chapter relates to gifts of moveable property made in contemplation of death, or shall be deemed to affect any rule of Mohammedan law.”

…hence paving the way for Muslim oral gifts to be valid whether they relate to moveable or immovable property…

IF it wasn’t for section 17 of the Registration Act, 1908 (RA) disposing that:

“(1) The following documents shall be registered, if the property to which they relate is situate in a district in which, and if they have been executed on or after the date on which, Act No. XVI of 1864, or the Indian Registration Act, 1866, or the Indian Registration Act, 1871, or the Indian Registration Act, 1877 or this Act came or comes into force, namely:-
(a) instruments of gift of immovable property; (…)”

This time, no exemption has been made for Muslim law, Section 49 dealing with the consequences of non-registration:

“Effect of non- registration of documents required to be registered.- No document required by Section 17 or by any provision of the Transfer of Property Act, 1882 (4 of 1882), to be registered shall-
(a) affect any immovable property comprised therein or
(b) confer any power to adopt, or
(c) be received as evidence of any transaction affecting such property or conferring such power, unless it has been registered:
Provided that an unregistered document affecting immovable property and required by this Act or the Transfer of Property Act, 1882 (4 of 1882 ), to be registered may be received as evidence of a contract in a suit for specific performance under Chapter II of the Specific Relief Act, 1877 (3 of 1877 ), or as evidence of any collateral transaction not required to be effected by registered instrument.”

The question of whether the first exemption was constitutionally valid in regards to the right to equality (article 14 of the Indian Constitution) was rather rapidly solved by the Courts, validating the disposition on the grounds of ‘reasonable classification’ [1] .

However, the compatibility between Section 129 of the TPA and Section 17 of the RA has led to diverging rulings between High Courts and most importantly to a paradoxical situation where an unregistered written deed could potentially invalidate the gift, while on the other hand a sole oral transaction would stand. Bearing in mind that Muslims increasingly tend to write down gift deeds in the prospect of legal security… little did they know that this could in fact prove to be a disservice.

Several key points need to be examined in order to understand the Supreme Court’s final decision. Jurists love definitions and taxonomy; in this case… judges had quite a lot of fun.

1. Muslim gift deed: document or instrument?

The question was how to legally qualify a Muslim gift reduced in writing: is it a mere document only confirming what has taken place and is already effective, or is it the instrument by which the gift becomes complete and legally binding?

In Nasib Ali v. Wajed Ali (1926) [2] the Calcutta High Court observed that Section 17 of the RA mentions “instruments” and considered that a Muslim gift deed was not one of those. The validity of the gift lies in the fulfillment of the 3 aforementioned conditions, none of them requiring writing. If these conditions are not present, the deed (even registered) would not validate the gift for it “doesn’t create, makes or completes the gift” by itself. Therefore, a written document is just a mere piece of evidence and not an instrument requiring registration. This position was followed by the Gauhati High Court in Md. Hesab ud din & Ors v. Md. Hesaruddin & Ors. (1983) [3] , the single judge reiterating that a Muslim gift transaction is essentially immaterial.

In Inspector General of Registration and Stamps, Govt. of Hyderabad v. Smt Tayyaba Begum (1961) [4] , the full bench of the Andhra Pradesh High Court begged to differ, and actually concluded that a written Muslim gift could be both an instrument and a document. In order to differentiate between the two, they applied a rather subjective test. It consisted in determining whether the parties intended for the written document to be a “receptacle and appropriate evidence of the transaction” that would constitute the gift or simply “a record of a past event”. In the latter case, registration was not compulsory, but the former would have to comply with Section 17 of the RA.
The Madras High Court in Amirkhan v. Ghouse Khan (1983) [5] was even blunter. If it recognized that Muslim gifts could be made orally, it went on to consider that any reduction in writing of such a gift would become a legal instrument conferring de jure a title of property, and could only become complete once registered under Section 17 of the RA.
In Ghulam Ahmad Sofi v. Mohd. Sidiq Dareel and others [6] the Jammu and Kashmir High Court was more subtle, and although applying the Tayyaba Begum dichotomy, tried to render it more objective. Hence, they replaced the subjective intention of the parties with the contemporaneity of the written deed:

“… if there is executed an instrument and its execution is contemporaneous with the making of the gift then in that case the instrument must be registered under Section 17 of the Registration Act.”

This issue of registration was indeed causing some mayhem, and even traditional references relating to Muslim Law within the Sub-Continent seemed to disagree. If Mulla’s Principles of Mohammedan Law [7] considers that registration is a non-requirement for a Muslim gift, for only the three conditions suffice to validate it; Fyzee [8] on the other hand does operate a difference between a written document that merely records a prior transaction (no registration) and the one that is actually its instrument (registration).

It is but only recently that the Supreme Court was able to tackle the issue in Hafeeza Bibi and Ors. vs. Shaikh Farid (dead) by L.Rs. and Ors. (2011) [9].

2. Muslim gift deed: a simple document which doesn’t require registration.

As it is usually the case, the issue arose out of an inheritance dispute. Shaikh Dawood died intestate (in 1968) leaving a certain number of children and relatives behind. As the partition of the estate was organized, one of his son claimed that an immovable property should not be part of the succession, for it had already been gifted to him by his late father (with whom he stayed and cared for until the end), and that this gift had even been reduced into writing… but had neither been stamped [10] nor registered.
The Trial Court (in 1988) concurred with the view that Muslim gifts were oral in nature and that even reduced in writing were exempt from registration, hence validating Shaikh Dawood’s gift to his son [11] . On appeal however, the Andhra Pradesh High Court (in 2004) followed its own precedent. Applying the Tayyaba Begum test, it considered that in this instance the parties intended for the deed to be the instrument of the transaction, and having failed to register it, could not convey any property title.
The matter finally made its way up to the Supreme Court (in 2011) which sided with the High Courts of Calcutta and Gauhati on this issue. Oral gifts being permissible under Muslim Law, no writing is required to either create or complete them; hence even reduced in writing, a Muslim gift deed could not be defined as the instrument by which the gift becomes effective, it is but a mere evidence that the gift has taken place, but does not confer any title to the donee, for the creation and completion of a gift lie elsewhere.
Indeed, the two judge bench cited the High Court of Kerala, which in Makku Rawther’s children: Assan Ravther and Ors. vs. Manahapara Charayil (1971) [12] was quite critical of the Andhra Pradesh High Court distinction between instrument and document, considering it irrelevant:

“In the context of Section 17, a document is the same as an instrument and to draw nice distinctions between the two only serves to baffle, not to ill mine. Mulla says: “The words ‘document’ and ‘instrument’ are used interchangeable in the Act”. An instrument of gift is one whereby a gift is made. Where in law a gift cannot be effected by a registered deed as such, it cannot be an instrument of gift. The legal position is well-settled. A Muslim gift may be valid even without a registered deed and may be invalid even with a registered deed. Registration being irrelevant to its legal force, a deed setting out Muslim gift cannot be regarded as constitutive of the gift and is not compulsorily registerable.”

It took more than a century for this issue to be finally settled by the Supreme Court, which in this instance considered that the exemption of Section 129 of the TPA superseded the dispositions of the Registration Act.
The spirit and letter of Muslim personal law were upheld and indeed this decision, while homogenizing the law throughout India, might also discourage certain frivolous law suits based on a technicality and challenging otherwise accepted situations (as the facts of this particular case demonstrates).

The State appears however to be losing from this decision, as the latter hampers its current efforts to promote registration (especially for marriages) [13] . It might also reveal to be problematic for the collection of Estate Duty, due to incomplete records and the possibility to falsely “create” a gift in order for its object to be left out of succession.
The Legislator could however abrogate Section 129, at least as immovable property is concerned. There is no reason to believe that Muslim law would be particularly affected, if the three requirements are upheld. The fact that a Muslim gift can be oral does not mean that it has to be defined as such, as long as the deed clearly states that the necessary conditions under Muslim law have been met.

For a more complete analysis of this case, and particularly the genealogy of the judgments revolving around this issue, I can only suggest Justice (ret.) Hakim Imtiyaz Hussain’s [14] article on Muslim oral gifts, which can be found in the Srinagar Law Journal [15] .

[1] Mt Bibi Maniran vs. Mohammad Ishaque (1962), AIR 1963 Pat 229

[2] AIR 1927 Cal 197.

[3] AIR 1984 Gauhati 41.

[4] AIR 1962 A.P. 199.

[5] (1985) 2 MLJ 136.

[6] AIR 1974 J&K 59.

[7] Mulla, Dinsha Farunji. Principles of Mahomedan Law. 19th ed. Bombay: Tripathi, 1990.

[8] Fyzee, Asaf Ali Asghar. Outlines of Muhammadan Law. 5th ed. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2008.

[9] (2011) 5 SCC 654.

[10] I am leaving out of this post the debate about stamping, required by several States’ legislature, for it is fairly similar in nature and follows the broader issue of registration. In fact, the Tayyaba Begum case started out because of this lack of stamping.

[11] The parties did not contest that the three conditions of a valid gift under Muslim Law had been fulfilled.

[12] AIR 1972 Ker 27

[13] In April, the Cabinet approved a bill for compulsory registration of marriages:

[14] Former High Court Judge of the High Court of Jammu & Kashmir.

[15] Hussain, Hakim Imtiyaz. “Oral Gift under Muslim Law” Srinagar Law Journal. 2012 (I). pp. 11-18.

Registration of Muslim Marriages – Pakistan

According to the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance, 1961 a marriage solemnized under Muslim Law is required to be registered in accordance with the provisions of the MFLO but non-registration of marriage (Nikah) by the Nikah Registrar does not invalidate the marriage.

Saleema Bibi and 3  others v. Khair Muhammad and 2 others 2010 YLR 691

Aftab Ahmad v. Judge Family Court and 3 others 2009 MLD 962

Muhammad Akram v. Mst. Farman Bi PLD 1989 Lahore 200

In Abdul Majid Khan and another v. Mst. Anwar Begum PLD 1989 SC 362 the Supreme Court has laid down that the presumption regarding Muslim marriage, in absence of direct proof can be raised and acted upon, in the following instance:–

(a) prolonged and continuous cohabitation as husband and wife.

(b) The fact of acknowledgement by the man, of the paternity of the children born to the woman, provided all the conditions of valid acknowledgement are fulfilled or;

(c) The fact of the acknowledgment by the man, of the woman, as his wife.

In Bashir and others v. Ham Din and others PLD 1988 Supreme Court 8 it was held that Muslim Law presumes the existence and validity of marriage in the absence of direct evidence when there a man and woman have lived together as man and wife for a long time.



Mahr (dower) is the amount (sometimes also property rights) that the husband own to the wife. Mahr can be prompt or deferred if it is deferred without any specification of time it is assumed to be at the time of death or divorce.


Amina Bibi vs Mohamed Ibrahim AIR 1929 Oudh 579

Haliman vs Mohamed Manir AIR 1971 Pat. 385

Mohamed Shahabuddin vs Ummatur Rasul AIR 1960 Pat 511


The mahr can be increased during the marriage at the husband’s initiative and its amount does not depend on the financial capabilities of the husband


Hamira Bibi vs Zubaida (1961) IA 249

Essential to Muslim law

Kapore Chand vs Kidar Nissa Begum and others AIR 1953 SC 413

Unpaid mahr is a debt payment equivalent to the claims of other creditors but has priority over the co-heirs’ claims to have the property distributed among themselves.

Sabir Hussain vs Farsand AIR 1938 PC 80

Among Shias, the father in-law is liable to pay the mahr in the case of failure of payment by the husband

Maina Bibi vs Vakil Ahmed (1924) 52 IA 145

Possession of the husband’s property can continue after husband’s death or divorce until the mahr is recovered.

Maintenance for nursing/taking care of the child

According to Noor Saba Khatoon vs Mohammed Qasim AIR 1997 SC 3280 and on the basis of section 125 of Criminal Procedure Code, 1974 and section 3(1)(b) of Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986 the divorced Muslim mother is entitled to receive maintenance for nursing or taking care of the infant/s up to a period of 2 years. This right is independent from the rights of the children to receive maintenance until they are majors.

See also:

Smt. Sushila Bai vs Bisauharam on 1 September, 2009

Lubna Mehraj And Ors. vs Mehraj-Ud-Din Kanth on 8 October, 2003

Maintenance to the wife during the iddat

According to section 3 (1) Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act 1986 and uncodified Muslim Personal Law the divorced wife is entitled to life-long maintenance to be paid by the husband during the iddat period.


Shabana Bano v. Imran Khan, AIR 2010 SC 305

Danial Latifi v Union of India, 2001 (7) SCC 740

Mohd. Ahmed Khan v. Shah Bano Begum, AIR 1985 SC 945

Maintenance by the Wakf Board after the Iddat period

According to sec. 4 Muslim (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986 the magistrate can order any heir of the woman to maintain her after the iddat period. In absence of relatives the Wakf Board may be ordered to pay her maintenance.


Tamil Nadu Wakf Board and another vs Syed Fatima Nachi, AIR 1996 SC 2423

Related Statutes:

Mussalman Wakf Validating Act, 1913

Mussalman Wakf Validating Act, 1930

Central Waqf Act, 1954

U.P Wakf Act, 1960

Waqf Amendment Act 1984

Waqf Act, 1985

Registration of Muslim Marriages – India

The general principle adopted by the Indian courts so far is the direct and indirect evidence for the presumption of marriage on the basis of section 114 Indian Evidence Act, 1872.

Maharashtra, Gujarat, Karnataka, Himachal Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh have provided for compulsory registration of Muslim marriages. Assam, Bihar, West Bengal, Orissa and Meghalaya have provided for voluntary registration of Muslim marriages. In Uttar Pradesh there is a policy providing for compulsory registration of marriages by the Panchayats.

Jammu and Kashmir has adopted a law that provides for registration within 30 days from the nikahnama signature. This law does not seem to be enforced though.

Under the Special Marriage Act, 1954, which applies to Indian citizens irrespective of religion, marriages can be registered by the Marriage Officer but registration is not compulsory.


Mohammed Amin vs Vakil Ahmed AIR 1952 SC 358, Abdul Rasak vs Aga Mahomed Jaffer 31 Ind App. 56 (P.C.), Ghasanfar Ali Khan vs Kaniz Fatima 87 Ind. App. 105 (P.C.), Gokal Chand vs Parveen Kumari AIR 1952 SC 231, Badri Prasad vs Deputy Director of Consolidation AIR 1978 SC 1557).

But Smt. Seema vs Ashwani Kumar, (2006) 2 SCC 578 directed for compulsory marriage registration.

See also Smt. Seema vs Ashwani Kumaron 25 October, 2007

Related Statutes:

Assam Moslem Marriages and Divorce Registration Act, 1935

Orissa Muhammadan Marriages and Divorce Registration Act, 1949

Bengal Muhammadan Marriages and Divorce Registration Act, 1876

Oral Gifts – India

Oral gifts among Muslims are valid if there is a declaration by the donor, acceptance by the donee and possession of the gift. Even though the immovable property right is not registered it is valid according to uncodified Muslim law.


Rahia and  Rahia Bibi vs Nasar Ahmad on 23 April, 2010

Shaik Khadaru Masthan vs Smt.Sayyed Fathimun Bee, 13 September, 2007

Gulam Hussain Kutubuddin Maner vs Abdulrashid Abdulrajak Maner J.T. 2000 (10) SC 425: 2000 (8) SCC 587

Sri Ran Niwas Todi & Another vs Bibi Jabrunnissa And Others 6 August 1996 (1996) 6 SCC 444

llah Shamsuddin Naday vs Jaitunbi Makbul Naday (1994) 5 SCC 476

Valie Peedikkandi Katheessa Umma vs Pathakkalan Narayanath Kumhamu, AIR 1964 SC 275